German Red Prince

Page 117

“Mr. Milch, you are right. China is a poor country and a weak country now, but the Chinese people stand tall.”

"There is an old Chinese saying: 'Poverty does not diminish one's ambition.' As long as Chinese people stand tall, they will not give in to these difficulties."

"Our army lags behind developed countries like Japan in some respects, but the will of Chinese soldiers cannot be ignored."

"We may have less steel, but we have more spirit. Those imperialist countries are inciting the proletariat to fight for them. Although they have more steel, they have less spirit. We can still defeat them."

"Besides, Mr. Milch, although China is facing some difficulties right now, don't we still have friends like you coming to help?"

"Of course, Chairman Mao, helping China establish a certain scale of defense industry is the strategic plan of the Kingdom of the Rhine, and it is also His Highness Thorne's instruction."

Milch then pulled out a thick stack of documents. “Committee Member Mao, rest assured, within three years we will definitely help the Nationalist government establish a relatively complete industrial system.”

Chapter 201 We Can't Leave Problems to Future Generations

Establishing a complete industrial system within three years sounds simple, but in reality, it is extremely difficult.

"Chairman Mao, in three years, we can only guarantee to help the Nationalist government establish a relatively complete industrial system. As you know, the Nationalist government's foundation is much weaker than Japan's."

"The Kingdom of the Rhine has limited resources and capabilities, and it is impossible for it to provide assistance to the National Government entirely free of charge. The industrial assistance we provide can only guarantee that the National Government's army can successfully complete the second phase of your Northern Expedition three years from now."

“We understand that. China is a weak country and an agricultural country. Industrial development cannot be rushed. Didn’t you European countries take hundreds of years for the Industrial Revolution? You can’t get fat overnight. You have to take it one step at a time. If you can build a relatively complete industrial system in three years, that’s already very good.”

“There is another very serious problem.” Milch frowned, his expression serious. “Chairman Mao, as you know, large-scale industrial construction requires sufficient capital investment. Given the current economic situation of the Nationalist government, can it support this massive project?”

The first and most critical difficulty they faced was funding. In order to support the development of the industrial system, they needed corresponding financial investment.

European powers accumulated primitive capital through plunder, and modern Japan also rapidly industrialized through plunder and aggression. But clearly, China cannot and does not have the conditions to do so now.

"Even if the Kingdom of Rhine provides loans and other assistance, it will still be difficult to complete the project in three years unless the National Government can support it with a nationwide effort."

“Indeed, Mr. Milch, you are right. Funding is indeed a problem. The Nationalist government’s trade is currently blocked by Germany. Apart from countries like France and Britain, only you and those international friends can do business with us.”

"Renting is not as good as buying, and buying is not as good as building. Because without a complete industrial chain, China has been bullied since 1840. The land ceded and the money paid in reparations amount to at least hundreds of millions of dollars. These are lessons to be learned, and China cannot repeat the old path."

“Our home has already been robbed several times. If we hesitate and can’t bring ourselves to do it, they will come to rob us again. Even if we stand up for ourselves, we will be unarmed while they come with bayonets. In the end, we will be the ones who suffer.”

"China must begin industrialization. We cannot leave the problems to future generations to solve because we are afraid of this and that. Future generations have their own things to do. If we leave all the problems to them, then what is the point of our revolution now? We should all be carrying hoes and going home to farm."

"The belt is being tightened, and China must begin industrialization. This is something that cannot be delayed. If we delay for a year or two, it will take future generations decades or even centuries to catch up. By then, we will have become sinners in history. As for the issue of fundraising, General Milch, please rest assured that our government will fully support this project."

The meeting room was quiet. After listening to Chairman Mao's speech, Milch nodded in admiration and agreement.

"It is truly fortunate that the National Government has a leader like you. Compared to those short-sighted and impulsive national leaders, you are far more farsighted."

Milch subtly mocked Wilhelm II, then pointed out the next problem: China's current education system. Industrialization requires a large number of highly skilled personnel, which is a challenge for the Nationalist government, which is plagued by widespread illiteracy.

"Chairman Mao, education is the cornerstone of a country and the most fundamental basis for its development. Germany's early situation was very similar to China's. The country was divided and could not be unified. It was also suppressed by various countries in the international arena and lagged far behind countries like Britain and France."

"But why has Germany become a world power? It's because more than a hundred years ago, Germany realized the importance of education. Even in the poorest towns in Germany, the most well-equipped buildings are always schools."

"Germany took various measures to develop from the brink of national extinction into a remarkable power. Among these measures, the most important one was its high emphasis on cultivating the quality of its citizens, which it regarded as the foundation for national revitalization."

"Marshal Moltke, who captured the French emperor, once said that the victory of Germany was decided on the podium of primary school teachers. Education is also very important if the National Government is to develop."

Chairman Mao and the Ministry of Education had discussed this issue before. Education is a major undertaking that relates to the future of a nation, and it must be taken seriously and cannot be taken lightly.

"Practical work builds a nation, and education builds a country. Education is of paramount importance, and we will never forget it. We have been working on it for many years. However, China's national conditions are somewhat different from those of your European countries. China is a very large country, and I'm afraid we cannot achieve your comprehensive education in a short time."

"Currently, the Nationalist government's focus is on industry, so naturally, the first step should be to educate workers. However, industrialization is a continuous process, and your country also needs to provide a continuous stream of talent."

"I'm an outsider. I have some proposals here. I don't know if they're suitable for you, but you can take a look. They might be helpful."

Chairman Mao took the documents handed to him by Milch. The Rhine Kingdom's advisory group that came this time covered a wide range of areas, including not only industry and military, but also education.

Milch offered several solutions, including simplifying the written language, a Chinese Pinyin system, and sending urban intellectuals to the countryside.

Starting with the written characters, simplifying and adding phonetic symbols can help the general public understand and recognize them more easily, reducing the barriers to literacy.

In the education system of the Nationalist government, the polarization was very serious, with education in urban and rural areas being two extremes.

Urban residents make up a small portion of the country's population, and their literacy rate is generally over 50%. However, in rural areas, which comprise the majority of the country's population, the literacy rate is extremely low. Mao Zedong, having spent some time in the countryside, was well aware of this and understood the necessity of addressing the education problem for these people.

"Mr. Milch's ideas are very constructive, but I cannot make a decision on my own. I need other comrades in the Central Committee to study and analyze them together before making a final decision," Chairman Mao said after reading the document.

“We will conduct research and discussions, and if it does indeed conform to China’s reality, we will implement the plan.”

"I wish you success. China might be completely different in three years. I'm really looking forward to it," Milch said with a smile.

"Yes, I'm also very much looking forward to it." Chairman Mao stood up and shook hands with Lieutenant General Milch. "Then, I'll leave the rest to you."

"The German people are a meticulous people. Rest assured, with the full support of your country, we will soon see results."

Chapter 202 Quotations from Chairman Mao and the Japanese Revolution

Katayama Sen has been in China for nearly two years since he came from the United States. Back then, when he organized workers' and peasants' resistance in Japan, he was brutally suppressed by the Japanese feudal military government, and many outstanding comrades sacrificed their lives. In order to avoid being captured by the militarist government, he had no choice but to flee to the United States.

During his time in the United States, Katayama witnessed the powerful vitality of the Communist Party of the United States, which he greatly admired. The main force of the Communist Party of the United States was the working class, which made their organization and cohesion very strong. The entire Great Lakes region had become the stronghold of the Communist Party of the United States.

During his time in the United States, Katayama made many friends and forged deep friendships with American leftists and most of the leaders of the Communist Party of the United States.

He once asked John Reed, the current General Secretary of the Communist Party of the United States, about the reasons for the success of the American labor movement. John Reed's answer was simple: promote socialist ideas to workers, win the support of the majority of workers, encourage workers to revolt, and establish labor unions.

Katayama once believed that the success of the Communist Party of the United States was the only way to carry out a socialist revolution, organizing urban workers into armed struggle and awakening the power of the working class. However, after observing for a period of time, Katayama found that this method of struggle might not be suitable for the general environment of Japanese society.

The American proletarian movement was primarily driven by workers because of America's highly developed social environment. In American society, urbanization and industrialization were very advanced, and the working class was powerful, so they naturally became the main force of the revolution.

The political system in the United States is different from that in Japan. The democratic politics in the United States makes their political environment relatively relaxed, and various ideas can collide, which is conducive to the spread and development of socialist ideology and politics.

Japan is a typical autocratic and feudal society with very strict censorship. Cultural autocracy and thought control prevent the spread of revolutionary ideas. Without the guidance of a correct ideological program, even if a struggle were to take place, it would be extremely difficult.

Compared to the highly developed socio-economic system of the United States, Japan's domestic economy is relatively distorted. In Japan, the working class is relatively weak, and the largest group of people are poor farmers in rural areas. Their ideological awareness and fighting spirit are not as high as those of the working class, and it is relatively difficult to unite them.

Just as Katayama was worrying about the future of the Japanese revolution, Nosaka Sanzo's letter gave him hope and showed him a revolutionary method that might be applicable to Japan.

Compared to his situation, the comrades who remained in Japan were in much greater danger. The Japanese military government was searching for them everywhere, and they might be secretly executed if they were caught.

For the safety of his comrades, Katayama Sen had to hurry and not let them down. Their efforts could not be in vain. So, as soon as he received the letter, Katayama Sen set off from the United States and rushed to China.

When Katayama Sen arrived in China, the place where he spent the most time was Hunan Province. He also met Mao Zedong, the Communist Party leader in Hunan. During his time in the Hunan base area, Katayama Sen gained a lot.

He lived in a mud house in the countryside with the Communist Party leaders in Hunan and witnessed a series of policies such as land reform and armed struggle, watching how the force grew step by step.

This poorly equipped army actually succeeded, breaking out of its base area and capturing Changsha and the entire Hunan province.

Katayama Sen summarized many of their experiences, which have great reference value in Japanese society, which is mainly rural.

The land revolution, armed struggle, and rural revolutionary base areas were closely integrated in the struggle, with armed struggle as the main form, land revolution as the core content, and rural revolutionary base areas as the strategic position.

These are the revolutionary essences he summarized in China. While in Hunan, Katayama Sen also recorded a lot of things. During his two years in China, he copied these notes into a booklet. These advanced experiences will play a crucial role in the future Japanese revolution.

Recently, Comrades Tokuda Kyuichi and Nosaka Sanzo both wrote to me, saying that the domestic environment in Japan is not quite right and that an unprecedented crisis may break out. This is an opportunity for them, so they wrote to ask Katayama Sen to return to Japan to discuss the next steps.

Having spent two years in China, Katayama Sen had learned a great deal and it was time for him to return home. His trip to Guangzhou was to say goodbye to Chairman Mao. During his time in Hunan, Katayama Sen had greatly admired Mao Zedong's leadership and ideological vision. Revolution requires bloodshed and sacrifice, and perhaps after this parting, the two would never see each other again.

"Chairman Mao."

Katayama Sen was very excited when he came in. Because he had been living in Hunan, he hadn't changed his way of addressing Mao. In Hunan, people usually called him "Chairman," so Katayama Sen habitually called him "Chairman Mao" instead of "Committee Member Mao."

"Comrade Katayama Sen, I heard you're going back to Japan?" Mao Zedong stepped forward, took Katayama Sen's hand, and asked with concern.

"Yes, Chairman Mao, I'm going back to Japan. The Japanese people are still being oppressed by the Emperor and the feudal oligarchs. I want to go back and liberate them."

"Please be careful, Comrade Katayama Sen. Please give my regards to my comrades in Japan and wish you success."

"Thank you, Chairman Mao. I believe we will succeed, just like you. We will definitely lead the Japanese people to a new society without oppression!"

"Moreover, I have learned a lot in China over the past few years, and I believe that the advanced experience of the Chinese revolution will also have a very good effect in Japan."

"Oh? Comrade Pianshan Qian, what have you learned in China these past two years?" Mao Zedong asked curiously.

"Land revolution, armed struggle, and the construction of rural base areas!" Katayama Sen said proudly, "I believe that these struggles will surely bring us victory."

"Comrade Katayama Sen's summary is excellent." Mao Zedong nodded. "Comrade Katayama Sen has summarized the methods I used in Hunan back then very comprehensively."

"I don't know the situation in Japan, so I can't give you any guidance, but I can offer some suggestions."

Chairman Mao became serious at this point and began to explain his own experience in struggle and Katayama in detail.

"We must make it clear who our friends are and who our enemies are. If we want to fight against imperialism, we must have a reliable and solid ally. In China, peasants make up more than 80 percent of the population and are the staunch allies of the working class and the main force of the Chinese revolution."

"China's revolutionary army was also a revolutionary army with peasants as the main body. Therefore, the peasant question was the central issue of the revolution. For thousands of years, the peasants' most urgent demand was to obtain land. Our Party and the revolutionary army met the peasants' land demands, which enabled us to obtain the continuous human and material support needed for the revolution and form an anti-imperialist and anti-feudal fighting alliance."

"When you return to Japan, you must also figure out who you can win over. You should make more friends and fewer enemies. When we carry out a revolution, we cannot make too many enemies and force people who could have been friends to the opposite side. The petty bourgeoisie and small merchants are also people we can unite with. A revolution must proceed step by step, and forming a broad united front is essential."

"At the same time, do not have any illusions. Revolution is not a dinner party; it involves bloodshed and sacrifice. Do not be misled by the enemy. They may offer you many benefits, but those are all empty promises. Revolution means uprising. You must not be naive. You must fight hard and kill them. You must never compromise."

"For armed struggle, a base area is indispensable. Only with a base area can a protracted struggle be waged. My suggestion is to establish the base area in regions where their rule is relatively weak, because the people in those areas are the easiest to win over and it is relatively easier to develop. Also, remember that our war is not about the gain or loss of a single city or town, but about eliminating the enemy's manpower. If we lose land but save people, we can save both people and land; if we save land but lose people, we can lose both people and land."

"Don't be too concerned about gains and losses in one place. Preserving our manpower is the most important thing. As long as we preserve our manpower, the revolution will never fail. When the enemy advances, we retreat; when the enemy camps, we harass; when the enemy is exhausted, we attack; when the enemy retreats, we pursue. We should deplete the enemy's manpower as much as possible. I hope these suggestions will be helpful to you."

"Very helpful!" Katayama Sen wrote down everything Mao Zedong had just said in his notebook. "Thank you for Chairman Mao's suggestions; they are very helpful to us!"

He handed the notebook to Chairman Mao and said, “This notebook contains my notes on the struggle experiences you summarized during my time in China. Please leave a note as a memento and as a summary of my trip to China.”

“Of course.” Mao Zedong took the notebook handed to him by Katayama Sen. “Quotations from Chairman Mao? Comrade Katayama Sen, it seems you’ve been reading my reports quite a bit these past two years.”

Katayama Sen scratched his head sheepishly. This book of quotations was filled with Mao Zedong's various investigation reports and speeches, which Katayama Sen considered priceless.

"The Chinese people and the Japanese people are united, with only one enemy: Japanese imperialism and the traitors to the Chinese nation. The revolution will surely triumph! Long live the great unity of the people of the world! — Mao Zedong"

Chairman Mao picked up a pen and wrote his message on the first page, then returned the notebook to Katayama Sen.

"May the revolution succeed!"

"Definitely, Comrade Mao Zedong!"

The two shook hands firmly, and after Katayama Sen saluted Mao Zedong, he left the room.

He will board the cruise ship back home and, together with his comrades, lead the Japanese people in the next stage of their struggle.

Chapter 203 Standard Rifle

In the past few days, experts sent by the Kingdom of the Rhine have arrived in Guangzhou one after another. Since they are here to help the Nationalist government establish a preliminary industrial system, most of them are experts in the field of industry.

Because he was also tasked with helping the Nationalist government reform its military, and he heard that there were many plans and a number of military experts coming, Li Chenggan was extremely excited. As an engineering graduate, he had been itching to get started for a long time.

After returning to China from his studies at Tokyo University, Li Chenggan devoted himself to weapons manufacturing. He had professional knowledge and technical skills. The Nationalist government relied on imports for most of its weapons, including even the most basic rifles. Such a large government did not even have a standard rifle.

The old-style Hanyang rifle is obviously outdated; it's an old item from the Qing Dynasty, almost forty years old now. It has many problems, and such a gun certainly cannot adapt to the reform of the army.

China urgently needs a new type of rifle. The quality of the army must be improved, and the quality of weapons must also be improved. If soldiers are sent to the battlefield with inferior weapons, then the Minister of Industry should be dragged out and shot.

Although he, as the Minister of Industry, was also helping to advance the research on the new rifle, the progress was very slow due to equipment and technical reasons, which had been a headache for Li Chenggan. Now that German experts had arrived, how could he, as the Minister of Industry, not be happy?

Because Sun Chuanfang had been receiving aid from Germany, the rifle that Li Chenggan oversaw the redesign of was also based on German technology. The Mauser rifle was already very famous in China, and moreover, Mauser's headquarters were in the Rhineland. So, as soon as he heard the news, Li Chenggan rushed there. With their involvement, the speed of rifle development could be greatly accelerated.

"Welcome to China, experts."

Li Chengan welcomed the technical experts who came to provide assistance at the ordnance factory. He had been busy with weapons design and rarely stayed in the office. He would ask them to bring the documents to the factory whenever he needed them.

The agreement signed between the Nationalist government and the Kingdom of the Rhine was a trade agreement. To put it simply, the Nationalist government exported resources in exchange for industrial products and advanced technology from the Kingdom of the Rhine. The Kingdom of the Rhine was quite generous; in addition to the military experts who came this time, they also brought a lot of weapons.

From rifles to heavy artillery, although these weapons can only be obtained through imports at present, and the Nationalist government does not have the ability to develop them independently, the Kingdom of the Rhine is going to help China establish a relatively complete industrial system. So theoretically, it may be possible to imitate them in a few years. It would be good to study these weapons first.

In addition to these weapons, the Kingdom of the Rhine even sent a tank to the Nationalist government for free. The Panzer I might not be considered impressive in Europe, but in East Asia, it was a heavyweight. For various reasons, the Kingdom of the Rhine cannot provide large-scale aid to the Nationalist government at present, but who knows what the future holds? Studying these things in advance will make it easier to build them later.

"Hello, Mr. Li Chenggan, I didn't expect that a Minister of Industry like you would be working in this place." Michael, the person in charge from the Kingdom of Rhine, also shook hands with Li Chenggan.

"I'm busy rushing to meet the deadline, so I've been working here for a while. Now that you German experts have arrived, I guess I'll have to move out soon," Li Chenggan said half-jokingly.

"Minister Li, you're too kind. We're just here to help out with a few small things." Michael waved to the people behind him to bring the things over.

"The M1924 Mauser rifle has a 7.92mm caliber, a range of 2,000 meters, and an effective range of about 450 meters. It has a five-round magazine. Minister Li, would you like to give it a try?"

Li Chengan took the rifle and weighed it in his hand. The weight was acceptable. "Of course, with such a good gun, how can I not fire a couple of shots and try it out?"

Li Chengan took the rifle to a nearby shooting range and fired two shots. He felt it was pretty good, but since he wasn't a professional, he handed the rifle to a soldier standing nearby and let him fire a few shots to compare it with the previous rifle.

After testing, it was clear that this gun felt better to handle and was much more accurate than the firearms currently used by the National Revolutionary Army.

The Nationalist government's army was mostly equipped with Hanyang rifles. Although the Hanyang rifle was considered a pretty good weapon in China at that time, it still had many shortcomings. The biggest shortcoming of the Hanyang rifle was its range, which was too short, and its accuracy was also poor.

Its accuracy is less than 300 meters, and its maximum lethal range is only about 500 to 600 meters, while the Japanese Type 38 rifle has a lethal range of about 800 meters and a very accurate range within 500 meters.

Another point is the loading issue. The Hanyang rifle uses a spool clip, which cannot be replenished before the bullets in the spool clip are used up. Moreover, without the spool clip, it is impossible to directly load loose bullets into the magazine. With the spool clip, the feeding operation is more complicated and the failure rate is higher.

There are also some problems with the ejector hook. The ejector hook technology of the Hanyang rifle is relatively outdated, which makes the ejector hook relatively fragile. If it is used for a long time, it will easily age. Most of the old sleeves in the army are quite old now, and the intensity of use is much greater, so naturally there are many problems.

Hearing the soldiers' feedback, Li Chenggan was naturally very satisfied. The fact that they brought guns showed that they had taken into account the Nationalist government's need to manufacture standard rifles, which would also speed up the current research progress.

“Mr. Michael, because China’s industrial level is still relatively weak, most of the firearms produced domestically are not very good in terms of performance. Moreover, most of these rifles are imitations of the past. Your developed countries have also changed their rifles several times, so the guns we produce seem somewhat outdated.”