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The door was pushed open, and Yang Jieyuan hurriedly got out of bed, reaching for the pistol under his pillow.
"Deputy Director Yang, you're still a bit slow. When you're working in the Special Operations Bureau, you can't be slow."
Jin Yufeng found a chair, sat down, took out a pack of cigarettes from her pocket and started smoking, smiling as she looked at Yang Jieyuan sitting on the bed.
"Oh, it's Vice Chairman Jin! What brings you here?" Yang Jieyuan breathed a sigh of relief upon seeing an acquaintance and asked irritably as he put on his clothes on the bed.
The Chinese Spark Society, a remnant of the communist political party during the Republic of China era, was formed by a group of students from the Southwest Associated University. It has been established for more than ten years and has begun to take shape.
Because the bases of the Spark Society were scattered in rural areas and mountains under the reactionary government, the China Special Operations Bureau was established in order to effectively gather information.
Their main responsibilities included collecting supplies in the city, establishing safe houses, gathering intelligence, carrying out assassination activities, coordinating with the city branch activities, liaising with other anti-Japanese revolutionary organizations, ensuring the safety of the Central Committee of the Satellite Fire Society, and secretly developing the masses.
Yang Jie had been in charge of affairs in the Chengdu area for some time, but his performance showed that he was not very dedicated to the job.
"You're blaming me now?" Jin Yufeng frowned.
"What do you call this? I'm offering my warm face to your cold backside. I came here to talk to you about something, and you're still being rude."
He held a cigarette in one hand, rested his head on his knee, and looked at Yang Jieyuan with a complicated expression.
"The central government already knows. You embezzled funds. Come back with me and try to get leniency."
"what!"
Upon hearing this news, Yang Jie panicked and quickly jumped out of bed.
"Are you telling the truth? The central government knows about this?"
"Of course, not only do I know, but you'll also have to write a self-criticism when you go back, and you'll probably be demoted. I just said a few words for you, and they said I was forming a faction and they're going to criticize me too," Jin Yufeng said irritably.
"This this......"
Yang Jie was pacing back and forth in the room. The amount he had embezzled was no small sum. If he went back now, he would probably be in grave danger.
"Damn it, do you think I'd be happy to be some deputy director?!" Yang Jieyuan slammed his hand on the table.
He used to live in constant fear, holed up in the mountains, with no future in sight. Now that he's in Chengdu, he's terrified of being arrested one day. Revolution, revolution, let's fucking revolution!
"What future is there in staying cooped up in this remote mountain village all day! Damn it, if they don't want me here, there are plenty of other places that will!"
Yang Jieyuan's expression turned cold as he looked at the person sitting in the chair.
Jin Yufeng pulled out a pistol.
"Vice Chairman Jin, I was forced into this situation, I'm sorry."
"Wait a minute."
Just as he was about to pull the trigger, Jin Yufeng shouted for him to stop.
"What do you think I came to see you for? If I hadn't come to warn you, you would have been dead if you had gone back."
After saying that, he took out a document from his pocket. "The list is here. Come with me to the police station. Let whoever wants to take my life do it."
The list of the Central Committee, the list of each contact point, all the information that Jin Yufeng could possibly have in her position is here. It turns out that this guy has also betrayed us.
"Alright! Brother Jin, what revolution? Let's go and make a fortune right now, get an official position, and not have to live in constant fear. I don't believe that the Xinjiang government that's been boasting so much in the central government can actually take over!" Yang Jieyuan said disdainfully.
The two of them quickly put their heads together and headed straight to the Chengdu police station with the list in hand.
The night before the storm
Chapter 199 Storytelling Must Talk About Proletarian Literature
In Guangzhou, the most common type of teahouse is probably the morning teahouse. Although the history of teahouses is not long compared to the long history of Guangzhou, the development of the business circle has gradually spurred the development of teahouses.
During the early years of the Guangxu Emperor's reign, Guangzhou's commercial districts flourished, and the teahouse industry also entered its golden age. At that time, people went to teahouses not just for the simple consumption of "drinking tea and eating buns," but more to gather together to chat and inquire about the latest news.
On the first day of the new year, there were more people walking around the streets and alleys, and the streets became lively as people bought new things for their homes. It had been quite a few years since the last campaign against Sun Chuanfang, and the Nationalist government's development in recent years had been generally quite good, at least in the eyes of ordinary people.
You can directly feel it in your daily life. Life is much more stable now. There are no warlords plundering everywhere, and there are far fewer thugs and ruffians. The government is still organizing people to suppress bandits in various places. Ordinary people don't have to run around to avoid war and can live a peaceful life.
Business is good in the teahouse. In recent years, people have become more financially well-off and have some spare money to eat and drink. However, they still dare not spend money extravagantly. When people go to the teahouse, they usually just order the traditional "one pot and two dishes," a pot of simple tea, and two servings of large steamed buns or rice cakes, which are cheap snacks that can fill their stomachs.
It was still early, so Huang Wenwang, dressed in a long gown, arrived at the teahouse and ordered the usual three dishes. After finishing his morning tea, he had to rush off to several other restaurants.
"Hey, isn't this Huang Daya? You're here for morning tea too?" Liu Hongfu turned around and saw Huang Wenwang sitting to the side.
"Brother Liu is here?" Huang Wenwang was a little surprised to see Liu Hongfu and sat down next to him. "Brother, you're having morning tea here too?"
"That's right. Life is better now, there are more people listening to storytelling, and I can go to the teahouse every few days."
"really."
Huang Wenwang picked up the large ceramic teapot on the table, poured himself a bowl of tea, blew on the tea foam, and felt much better after finishing the bowl.
"The harvests have been good these past few years, and everyone's doing well. Our livelihoods have also improved a lot."
“That’s right,” Liu Hongfu echoed. “We’ve finally found a government that can get things done. If the sky falls, the central committee members at the top will hold it up. We ordinary people don’t have to worry so much. We can just live our lives in peace.”
“Yes, with several Central Committee members at the top, the sky won’t fall.” Huang Wenwang smiled, then put down his teacup and tapped the table lightly with his hand. “Brother Liu, I also heard that it seems like the top leadership is going to be replaced.”
"Oh dear, this is a topic that cannot be discussed, Brother Huang, let's not talk about state affairs."
"Brother Liu, do you think this is still the Qing Dynasty? Is there anything we can't talk about? We're under the Nationalist government now, no one's going to arrest you."
"Brother Huang, how did you know? They're doing a great job, why would they replace them?" Liu Hongfu asked in a low voice.
"I don't know about that," Huang Wenwang sighed. "But we should find out soon enough. There's a meeting in Guangzhou today, and look how busy the police are."
"Let's not cause any more trouble. Last time was really dangerous. If it weren't for the Communist Party, our good days would have been over. To be honest, I really hope that committee member surnamed Mao gets promoted. He's been doing a pretty good job lately."
Because the last government meeting caused a lot of trouble, the preparations for this meeting are particularly important.
The incident last time had a great negative impact on the Kuomintang, the most serious being the loss of its mass base. The party's organization was not tight to begin with, and now it was practically an empty shell.
"These things are none of our business; others will take care of them." Huang Wenwang took a bite of his steamed bun. "Brother Liu, how's things going on your end lately? Are there many people coming to support you?"
"Me?" Liu Hongfu rubbed his hands together. "There are quite a lot of people who support us. The main thing is that we need to keep up with the times. Just like the government's propaganda says, we need to keep learning. We also need to keep learning in order to make progress."
"Oh? So what have you been learning?" Huang Wenwang asked curiously.
"That would be a lot more, Brother Huang," Liu Hongfu said slowly, crossing his legs and leaning back in his chair.
"The storytellers here, those from wealthy families, can afford phonographs and listen to records, all those foreign things. They don't care to listen to our stories. The people who stop at the teahouse to listen to our storytelling are mostly workers in short jackets and porters carrying sacks."
“Our government is different now. Workers and farmers are also required to stand up straight. Aren’t schools being set up for them to learn? I’m responding to that call and helping them learn.”
"How can we get them to learn? What can storytelling possibly teach them?" Huang Wenwang wondered.
“Brother Huang, aren’t you short-sighted? You’re always concerned about national affairs, but how come your brain isn’t as sharp as mine?” Liu Hongfu seemed a little smug. “There are no slaves, everyone is the master of the country. Isn’t that what our government is promoting? We need to make workers and peasants have a sense of ownership, awaken their minds, and truly turn their lives around.”
"Brother Liu, you recited the policy quite fluently."
"Of course, I've been studying it every day lately." Liu Hongfu took a book out of his pocket. "Brother Huang, take a good look at what this book is."
"How the Steel Was Tempered? Brother Liu, why are you carrying around a book on steelmaking?" Huang Wenwang looked at Liu Hongfu with suspicion as he took the book. Was this the progress he was talking about? Had he gone to work in the factory with the workers too?
"Brother Huang, don't be fooled by the title of this book. I was fooled by the title at first and almost threw it away. This is a good book."
After listening to Liu Hongfu's words, Huang Wenwang also started flipping through the book. While he was flipping through the book, Liu Hongfu told him the general story in the book.
"This is truly a great book. Its content and themes align with the government's propaganda, and the characters are vividly portrayed. Not only do the workers enjoy it, but young people also like to come to me to hear the stories."
"If storytelling is about proletarian literature, then I'm making a contribution to the country. Many workers are illiterate or have limited literacy. It's easier for them to read when I tell stories on stage. I hope to awaken the workers and encourage them to serve the people. Maybe I'll become a people's artist soon and go there to receive an award."
“It is indeed a good book, very good, very popular and easy to read. Those old stories have been told to death, and no one likes to listen to them. I have to run around every day to find stories. Brother Liu, where did you get this book? I want to get a copy to study it.”
"I got it from the Germans," Liu Hongfu said mysteriously.
"Don't the Germans do business with us? They even opened a bookstore here. They have a lot of books. Last time I went to a bookstore looking for stories, these German books were actually in Chinese. The prices were quite cheap too. I bought quite a few to study, and I just happened to find this one."
"It's really rare to find books imported from Germany that are in Chinese. I'll buy a few to read some of them sometime."
"Alright, Brother Huang, it's getting late, I should get back to work." Liu Hongfu picked up his hat and said goodbye to Huang Wenwang.
“Alright, it’s time for me to go too.” Huang Wenwang also stood up, and the two said goodbye and left the teahouse.
When he arrived, there were already quite a few people waiting for Liu Hongfu. After taking off his hat and standing in his seat, Liu Hongfu patted the gavel.
"Today we will talk about 'The Holocaust of Jews by Bandits: Korchagin Attacks the Guards and Bravely Rescues Zhukhrai'..."
Chapter Two Hundred: A New Chapter in the East Asian Revolution
Just as the Chinese were celebrating the New Year of 1928, two major events occurred within the Nationalist government in southern China.
Xu Chongzhi, the former General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Nationalist Government, announced his resignation from the position on the first day of the new year due to health reasons.
After discussion and joint voting by the Central Committee, this position will continue to be held by Mao Zedong, a member of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee of the National Government.
Another matter is that, due to changes in the revolutionary situation in China, the capital of the Nationalist government will be moved from Guangzhou to Changsha.
Xu Chongzhi, General Secretary of the National Government, announced his resignation and returned to Panyu to recuperate. Before leaving, he handed over all military and political power to Mao Zedong, a member of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee.
This transition of government had a tremendous political impact, as it meant that the leadership of the Nationalist government would be transferred from the Kuomintang to the Communist Party.
Anyone with a keen eye would have noticed the signs of Hsu Chung-chih stepping down long ago.
The New Year's Eve dinner was one of the few times he appeared in public. After the dinner, several members of the Nationalist government's Central Committee, including high-ranking officials from both the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, stayed behind for a short meeting. The content of the meeting is unknown, but Xu Chongzhi announced his resignation the following day.
Xu Chongzhi's rise to power was originally a product of compromise. The Comintern had already begun to support the Communist Party's rule, but considering the extreme political turmoil within the Nationalist government after the Guangzhou Incident, any further risks could have caused the revolution to be in vain. Therefore, his rise to power as a centrist was based on many considerations.
Xu Chongzhi became the General Committee member after Liao Zhongkai, which in itself marked the decline of the Kuomintang. After the Guangzhou Incident, the Kuomintang was almost completely depleted due to factional struggles.
The internal struggles within the Kuomintang caused it to lose the support of most of the people, and the mass base that the Communist Party had painstakingly built for it was almost completely lost.
Having lost the support of most of the domestic population, coupled with the rapid development of the CCP's strength and solid mass base, the army led by the Communist Party has successfully continued to liberate most of Sichuan and Guizhou. Its prestige and strength have far surpassed those of the Kuomintang. Due to ideological reasons, the Comintern is now clearly standing behind the Communist Party.
Having lost domestic and international support, the Kuomintang, now merely an empty shell, has effectively lost the conditions to be a ruling party.
The Comintern clearly tacitly approved of this change in the ruling party at the highest level. Paris even sent a congratulatory telegram to the CCP, saying that this would open a new chapter for the revolution in East Asia.
Because Xu Chongzhi stepped down, this National Government Congress was convened by Mao Zedong. Although ordinary people in the National Government were unaware of what was happening, the delegates who came to the meeting already knew in advance.
This meeting was of great significance. Some Kuomintang representatives were quite uneasy, after all, they were no longer the ruling party, so they were worried about their future situation.
Chairman Mao had been preparing for this meeting for a long time. The change of leadership could bring many problems and involve many aspects, making the work very difficult.
The most crucial task is to determine the direction of the next stage of the revolution. It is time for the Chinese revolution to move to the next stage. This congress will also clarify the direction of the revolution and characterize the previous and current revolutions. These tasks are extremely complex.
"Committee Member Mao, the representatives of the Kingdom of Rhine have arrived." A staff member pushed open the door and came in. It was time to meet with the advisory group sent by the Rhine.
"Understood, I'll be there in a bit. Go." Mao Zedong put down his pen. He wanted the Nationalist government to have enough strength to complete the Northern Expedition. China needed a strong industry to prevent future troubles, as Japanese imperialism was also a potential threat.
Conflicts between China and Japan are likely to erupt in the future, as China's development will inevitably challenge Japan's position.
China's strong development potential is something the Japanese are very wary of. They will not stand by and watch China rise step by step, and China's ideology is also a huge threat to Japan.
"By the way, didn't Comrade Katayama Sen come to Guangzhou? Let's invite him over too. I'd like to talk to him later."
"No problem, Chairman Mao, I'll arrange it right away." The staff member left after taking notes.
"Mr. Milch, you've been waiting for me." Chairman Mao entered the room and greeted Lieutenant General Milch.
“Oh, hello, Chairman Mao.” Milch stood up and shook hands with Chairman Mao. “Chairman Mao, I’m here to discuss some specific aid projects for the Kingdom of Rhine.”
"You said, Mr. Milch, that we are very grateful for the assistance from the Kingdom of the Rhine. With the help of international friends like you, the revolution in China will surely proceed smoothly."
“Of course, the Kingdom of Rhine also went through the same process back then. I wish you success.” Milch took out a document from his briefcase. “Committee Member Mao, these data are what we have compiled over this period of time. Some of the analysis may offend you. Please don’t take offense.”
"Of course not. We believe in being realistic. What's true is true, and what's false is false. What we lack right now is a clear analysis. How could we blame you?"
“Alright, I’ll start by explaining the data to you.” Milch opened the file and began to read.
“We are comparing Japan with the Nationalist government. As Chairman Mao knows, Japan will be China’s most threatening enemy in the future.”
"From an economic perspective, Japan's industrial output is about $60 billion, while the Nationalist government's economic output is about $15 billion. In terms of steel production, Japan has 580 million tons, while the Nationalist government only has 10 tons."
"In terms of weaponry, it is estimated that Japan can produce about 1,500 aircraft per year, while the Nationalist government cannot produce a single one. Japan can produce 700 large-caliber artillery pieces per year, while the Nationalist government cannot produce a single one."
"Japan can build 300 tanks a year, while the Nationalist government can't build a single one. Japan can build nearly 10,000 cars a year, while China can't build a single one. As for warships, it seems that China does not yet have the capability to produce large-tonnage warships."
"We have also conducted an investigation and analysis of the army. The Nationalist government's total military strength is about 500,000 people, but less than half of them have modern weapons and equipment."
"The army mainly relied on some old artillery, rifles and light machine guns. These weapons and equipment were purchased from foreign countries or seized from old warlords. Very few were produced by themselves."
"At the same time, the military lacks modern communication and logistical support facilities, which makes it difficult for them to conduct long-range and prolonged operations. In addition, due to the lack of modern medical equipment and medicines, the military's casualty rate is high."
"Chairman Mao, to be honest, if such an army were placed in Europe, it would likely not last a week before being completely annihilated."
After listening to Milch's analysis, Mao Zedong fell silent. He was right. Although the Nationalist government had also made progress, the gap was indeed too large.
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