Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 211

Therefore, Ito Hirobumi understood whether Hayashi Nobuyoshi's proposed method was feasible or not. If it was not feasible, he would not have needed to order a blockade of attacks on Japanese military and civilians in Korea.

After much deliberation, he let out a long sigh and said, "What you're doing is tantamount to destroying the patriotic fervor of the people. Nationalism is the foundation upon which European countries have dominated the world. Japan was able to defeat Qing China and Russia despite being weaker because of the unity of its people. The Chinese and Russians, on the other hand, were internally divided, making it difficult for them to fight against a unified Japan on the battlefield. Is it really appropriate to exacerbate the contradictions between the upper and lower classes in order to seize political dominance?"

Hayashi Shin-yi merely chuckled to himself at Ito's words. It was clear that Ito Hirobumi understood perfectly well, but in order to maintain the unified national system, he would rather help the army and zaibatsu deceive and suppress civilians than shatter this illusion of national unity.

Thinking this to himself, he replied without hesitation: "Patriotism is not military supremacy, and a unified national system does not depend on the absolute obedience of the lower class to the upper class. Even Huang Taiji knew that a monarch without his people does not exist, but people can survive without a monarch. Are we not even as insightful as Huang Taiji?"

European nationalism is based on popular politics. Regardless of how much European monarchies uphold the monarchical system, their ruling classes acknowledge that the monarch's power comes from the people's transfer, not from divine right. In contrast, my country denies that the Emperor's power comes from the people's transfer. From this perspective, Japan cannot possibly have any nationalism.

Contemporary Japan is essentially a monarchy; the Emperor is the personification of the nation, and patriotism is synonymous with love for the Emperor. There is no place for civilian politics in this country. Since it is a monarchy, the primary concern is preventing anyone from usurping the monarch's power for personal gain. With the dissolution of the Imperial General Headquarters, troops stationed overseas are neither under the control of the General Headquarters nor the government. Doesn't this grant the army the power to establish independent regimes overseas? Then, what kind of nationalism does this de facto military separatism align with?

Ito Hirobumi frowned and looked at Lin Xinyi, questioning, "Do you have any opinions on the imperial constitution? Do you believe that the constitution should be agreed upon by the people?"

Lin Xinyi evaded the question, saying, "No, I was just stating a fact. The Imperial Constitution has already negated the nationalism represented by the common people. Therefore, from the perspective of an emperor-based state, prohibiting infringement on the emperor's power is the true way to achieve national unity. The current army's presence on the Korean Peninsula is actually unconstitutional. Unless the Imperial General Headquarters is not disbanded, the North Korean army will lose its institutional constraints and become the private army of certain army generals. We can only choose one between upholding the constitution and upholding national unity. I believe that choosing the former is less harmful."

After considering the points made by Hayashi Shin-yoshi, Ito Hirobumi finally understood what Hayashi Shin-yoshi meant. Because the constitution stipulated that the army was the Emperor's army, the army stationed overseas was no longer subject to government control. At least domestically, the government could control the army's actions through supplies and the construction of its bases. However, the Japanese army stationed in Korea was clearly beyond the control of the cabinet, because the Korean government, which was controlled by the Japanese army, was responsible for maintaining the supply of materials to the Korean troops.

Although he forced the Korean garrison to obey the command of the Korean Governor-General's Office in the name of the Emperor, this power was not guaranteed by any system. Apart from him, no other civil officials of the Governor-General's Office could command the Korean garrison. In theory, the Emperor gave him the power to command the Korean garrison, not the Korean Governor-General's Office.

Therefore, Hayashi Shin-yi's view is correct. After the General Headquarters was disbanded, as long as he left the position of Governor-General of Korea, the Korean garrison was essentially out of control and became the private army of the army general. Since the government had no power to restrain it and the Emperor had no agency to manage it, this meant that the Emperor could only correct the actions of the Korean garrison, but could not supervise its every move.

Although Ito Hirobumi also sensed Hayashi Nobuyoshi's dissatisfaction with the Imperial Constitution, judging from Hayashi's past words and actions, he was actually closer to the political stance of civil rights. However, Ito would not bring this up at this time. If he was convinced of the bright future of the imperial system when the constitution was drafted, he now had some doubts about the imperial system. These doubts had already been reflected in the process of drafting the Imperial Household Law.

When drafting the Meiji Constitution, Ito Hirobumi primarily considered the political chaos of the early Meiji era. He believed that the only way to promote the Meiji Restoration was to create a highly centralized political power center. Therefore, he resolutely opposed the People's Contract Constitution, which could cause political division, and advocated for the Imperial Constitution to legally solidify the Emperor system.

However, while the unified political system greatly promoted the reform movement, factional struggles still existed under this system. In the past, people competed for political power through political dissent, but now they focused their energy on competing for political power. The political will for reform had almost stagnated, and everyone was fighting for power and profit for their own selfish interests.

However, although Ito Hirobumi had this understanding, he only patched up the constitution by formulating the Imperial Household Law. He had no intention of completely overturning it and starting over. After all, the Imperial Constitution was actually the embodiment of his life's work, and he would not allow anyone to publicly slander it while he was still alive.

Although Hayashi Nobuyoshi was dissatisfied with the Imperial Constitution, the real threat to its status came from the army led by Yamagata. Yamagata's army was attempting to use the Emperor's supreme command authority to make the military independent, thereby forcing the government to submit to the defense strategy formulated by the army. In Korea, Ito Hirobumi had already clashed directly with Hasegawa Yoshimichi, the commander of the Korean garrison, and it was only through the Emperor's personal edict supporting him that the army was forced to yield.

Compared to the army's overbearing behavior, Hayashi Nobuyoshi was at least making an effort to restrain the military's power. Ito naturally wouldn't criticize his pro-civil rights political stance too much, because the two did indeed share common interests in restraining the military's power. After Kodama's death, Hayashi Nobuyoshi's importance to Ito had actually increased, because while others in the army and navy desired to strengthen the military's position, only Hayashi Nobuyoshi emphasized the need to strengthen the government's control over the military.

Hayashi Nobuyoshi was able to discuss diplomatic ideas with cabinet ministers as a representative of the navy, which shows that Hayashi Nobuyoshi's status in the navy exceeded Ito Hirobumi's expectations. However, this was a good thing for Ito's plan to restrain the military's power.

Hayashi Shin-yi's candor tonight dispelled Ito's last remaining doubts about him. Judging from tonight's conversation, Ito acknowledged that Hayashi Shin-yi had already developed political independence and confirmed that Hayashi Shin-yi was not his enemy. Although he did not agree with Hayashi Shin-yi's attempt to undermine the army's image in the hearts of the people by breaking down patriotism, it was undoubtedly a method.

Of course, the conversation could not go any further at this point, because Ito Hirobumi himself had not yet decided whether or not to break with the army on the Korean issue. However, he at least accepted Hayashi Shin-yi's theory of East Asian peace, believing that it was indeed a shortcut for Japan to open up the post-war East Asian situation.

For Hirobumi Ito, the most important issue for Japan at present is how to deal with the postwar situation of Russia's retreat from the Far East and China's resurgence. If past national policies were followed, after defeating China and Russia, Japan should have completely occupied the Korean Peninsula and then expanded its influence into Manchuria and Mongolia, thus transforming Japan from an archipelago into a landlocked state.

The purpose of this national policy was to allow Japan to replace China as the dominant power in East Asia and become the new hegemon of East Asia. However, this national policy was severely damaged after the Sino-Japanese War. The Triple Intervention and the return of Liaodong Peninsula to Japan made the Japanese leadership realize that the East Asian problem did not lie with the individual East Asian countries, but also with the international order's view of East Asia.

Japan's ambition to gradually become the hegemon of East Asia by defeating one enemy at a time is merely wishful thinking. No other country would stand idly by while Japan expands its territory. Russia's defeat in this war also proves that the determining factor in the East Asian order lies not with the individual East Asian countries, but with East Asia's position within the international order.

Moreover, the fact that this war actually forced Russia to retreat completely from the Far East was something the Japanese leadership had not anticipated. Even the most optimistic pre-war simulations by the army considered it a remarkable achievement to be able to drive Russia out of the Korean Peninsula and southern Manchuria. Although the army had designated Harbin as the ultimate objective in its war plan, the Japanese high command did not actually expect to be able to occupy Harbin after the war.

Even Yamagata Aritomo stated at the council of elders that Japan's strength was insufficient to occupy the entire Manchuria region. Forcibly occupying the entire Manchuria region would only provoke dissatisfaction from European and American countries, leading to another Triple Intervention. Therefore, as long as Russia could recognize Japan's special status in the Korean Peninsula and southern Manchuria, Japan should recognize Russia's status in northern Manchuria, thereby uniting with Russia to suppress the Qing Dynasty and prevent the fate of the European and American powers.

However, China, which was considered easy prey before the war, displayed astonishing strength during the war, forcing Russia to retreat west of Lake Baikal. This thwarted Japan's attempt to ally with Russia. As a result, the postwar order in East Asia was shifted from a four-way alliance of Japan, Russia, China, and foreign powers to a three-way alliance of Japan, China, and foreign powers. Japan effectively lost control over the East Asian order.

Chapter 689

Chapter 689

"Damn it, is this kid planning to betray us and side with the Navy? Doesn't he even remember who brought him from the countryside of Nagano to Tokyo? This ungrateful brat..."

Suematsu Kensuke looked at the furious Ito Miyoji and didn't know what to say. He wasn't actually that provoked by Hayashi Shin's words and stance. Of course, among Ito Hirobumi's confidants, he wasn't that interested in politics. He was more interested in historical and cultural research that established Japan as a representative of Oriental civilization.

Of course, Suematsu Kensuke's background as Yamagata Aritomo's secretary and his experiences of discrimination by the British during his studies in England made him more inclined to Yamagata Aritomo's continental expansionism. He believed that for Japan to become one of the world's great powers, it must first replace China's position in East Asia. Only when Japan truly became the hegemon of East Asia could it engage in equal relations with European powers based on its strength, because Europeans only believed in diplomacy based on strength.

Hayashi Shin-yi's theory of East Asian peace naturally contradicted his own continental expansionism. However, Hayashi Shin-yi was, after all, a rising star in the navy. He knew much more about Hayashi Shin-yi's experiences in the navy than Ito Miyoji. After Hayashi Shin-yi was recruited to Tokyo Kamifumi First Middle School, Ito Miyoji did not agree with Ito's decision to form a party. Therefore, Ito began to distance himself from Ito politically, which led to some of Ito's private affairs being transferred to him. For example, he controlled the correspondence with Hayashi Shin-yi.

Although his background as Yamagata's secretary meant that becoming Ito's son-in-law signified a close political connection between the two, when conflicts arose between them regarding the feudal cliques, Suematsu Kenzumi chose to side with his father-in-law, Ito, rather than retaining his own opinions like Ito Miyoji. Of course, while Ito Miyoji did not agree with Ito's party-building strategy, he still assisted Ito in negotiating with Hoshinogi and others to complete the formation of the Seiyukai, though he himself did not join.

Because he had access to the correspondence with Hayashi Shin'ichi, Suematsu Kensuke knew how Hayashi Shin'ichi had risen to prominence in the Navy. Itō Miyoji was right; Hayashi Shin'ichi was recruited from the countryside of Nagano to Tokyo by their Ito faction. However, the initial plan for Hayashi Shin'ichi was to get him into Tokyo University and become a reserve force for the Ito faction. But in the end, Hayashi Shin'ichi was snatched away by the Navy.

Saigo Tsugumichi actually offered compensation to the Ito faction in order to snatch Hayashi Shin'ichi away. Of course, for Hayashi Shin'ichi now, that compensation was practically a freebie. But at the time, no one thought that Hayashi Shin'ichi's value would be as great as it is now. Even Ito Miyoji believed that it was worthwhile to exchange the Navy's friendship for a young man whose future might not be as outstanding as his present.

Although Lin Xinyi's diplomatic predictions were impressive, they were all unverified speculations. Therefore, everyone regarded his predictions as a new way of thinking that could be used for reference and inspiration, but they were not necessarily going to become reality. After all, most of Lin Xinyi's predictions were based on speculation rather than empirical evidence. No one would think that a sixteen or seventeen-year-old boy could predict the political trends in Britain and Germany. Even British and German politicians could not do it.

Therefore, exchanging Hayashi Nobuyoshi for Saigo Tsugumichi's support was certainly a worthwhile deal. Moreover, Ito Hirobumi hadn't completely abandoned Hayashi Nobuyoshi; he even used their correspondence to try and cultivate him into a spies for the Ito faction within the Navy. It should be said that Ito Hirobumi's decision was quite pragmatic, given that Saigo Tsugumichi's sudden death severed the close ties between the Navy and the Ito faction. At the time, Suematsu felt that fortunately, Hayashi Nobuyoshi remained, so that in ten or twenty years, the Navy could still potentially become a pillar of the Ito faction.

Miyo Ito's anger stemmed from this. As the second-in-command of the Ito faction, although Ito had formed the Seiyukai, he was forced to withdraw due to pressure from Yamagata and others. Therefore, the Ito faction did not fully integrate with the political party and retained its independent status. The core of the Ito faction consisted of the four people gathered in this room today: Hirobumi Ito and his three confidants, Miyo Ito, Kensuke Suematsu, and Kentaro Kaneko.

Before the establishment of the Seiyukai, Miyo Ito had already been handling almost all affairs of the Ito faction and was regarded as Ito Hirobumi's political successor. The formation of the Seiyukai temporarily stripped Miyo Ito of this status, as Kinmochi Saionji was more trusted by the Seiyukai. Therefore, he was unwilling to join the Seiyukai, as this would have forced him to submit to Saionji. After Ito was forced to resign as the leader of the Seiyukai, Ito immediately aligned himself with Ito Hirobumi again and helped him secure the position of Privy Council President, thus re-establishing his second-in-command position within the Ito faction.

In this repeated reshuffling of political power, Ito Miyoji had effectively established himself as the successor of the Ito clan. In particular, during the drafting of the Imperial Household Law, although it was nominally Ito Hirobumi who was in charge, Ito Miyoji handled the daily work. Even Ariga Nagao, a key figure in drafting the Imperial Household Law, was Ito's personal confidant.

Therefore, Hayashi Nobuyoshi naturally became part of Ito Hirobumi's future political legacy and an important asset of the Ito clan. Of course, in the eyes of the Ito clan, this was an asset that would only be useful one or two decades later. That's why Ito Miyoshi was so annoyed. Hayashi Nobuyoshi was originally his political property, which Ito Hirobumi certainly couldn't use. But now, Hayashi Nobuyoshi suddenly became the political representative of the navy, which greatly increased Hayashi Nobuyoshi's value and made Ito Miyoshi feel even more of a loss.

The reason why Lin Xinyi's value has increased is that at today's special meeting held for him, even Ito Hirobumi had to convene the core members of the Ito clan to discuss Lin Xinyi's position, rather than making a personal decision. This means that Lin Xinyi has actually become a figure who influences the strength of the Ito clan, rather than just a rising star that Ito Hirobumi favors.

Compared to Ito Miyoji's anger, Suematsu Kensuke was much calmer. He did not believe that Ito Miyoji's anger would lead the Navy to punish Hayashi Nobuyoshi. After the second cabinet formation, the Navy had actually acquired an independent political stance and could no longer be as cautious towards the Ito clan as it had been during Saigo's era.

Therefore, he couldn't help but say to his father-in-law, Ito: "I think the East Asian peace theory is an unrealizable dream. Only a nobleman like the Duke of Konoe, who doesn't understand the realities of international politics, would think that there is peace between countries. In fact, peace between countries is all fake. It's just that the countries are not strong enough to carry out annexation."

Historically, both in Europe and the world, whenever a country loses the ability to defend itself, it is bound to be invaded. The fall of Poland and Britain's colonial history over India demonstrate that peace is merely a political tactic used to deceive the enemy.

Lin Xinyi believes that as long as Japan and China reach a reconciliation, a peaceful regional order can be established in East Asia. Then, an alliance based on Japan and China can be sought to counter the global colonial system of Europe and the United States. Not to mention whether the Chinese people would accept sharing East Asian hegemony with Japan once they regain their national strength, even if Japan and China really establish such an alliance, how can the combined strength of Japan and China counter the global colonial system of Europe and the United States? We can't even fight against the British Empire.

Therefore, I oppose the East Asian peace theory. However, I believe the Navy's support for the East Asian peace theory is not necessarily aimed at countering the West, but rather at suppressing the Army's continental policy, thereby fulfilling its claim of naval supremacy and land subordination. From this perspective, we must consider the Navy's position and not easily dismiss it.

Lin Xinyi's ability to politically influence cabinet ministers on behalf of the Navy is clearly tacitly approved by the Navy. I think the Navy's use of Lin Xinyi to exert influence may be an attempt to shirk responsibility. After all, Lin Xinyi is only a lieutenant colonel. If he is attacked because of this, the Navy can shift the blame to him without involving the Navy's higher-ups.

Therefore, we should sever ties with Hayashi Shin-yi, but it's not impossible to reach a compromise with the Navy through him. After all, the Army's current actions are threatening the normal operation of the government. Even if the mainland policy is in Japan's interest, we must now suppress the Army to prevent the military from frequently hijacking the government's political actions.

Sitting on the tatami mat, Ito Hirobumi did not comment on the words of his two confidants. He turned his gaze to Kaneko Kentaro, who had not yet spoken. Kaneko Kentaro, who was deep in thought, finally spoke up: "I support the East Asian peace theory. I believe that Japan wants to engage in economic competition with European and American countries rather than military confrontation, because Japan's national strength cannot support a military confrontation with advanced industrialized countries in Europe and America."

The United States, with a population of 100 million, has a total army of less than 100,000, while my country's army had more than 150,000 before the war. Japan's annual fiscal revenue is less than 100 million US dollars, about one-third of the United States' annual fiscal revenue, but our military spending ratio is higher than that of the United States. How can such a high level of military spending be sustained in the long term?

Therefore, confronting the global colonial system dominated by Europe and the United States is clearly unrealistic, as we can only be compared to second- or third-tier European powers, not even first-tier ones, let alone confront the global system supported by all the major powers. However, the East Asian peace theory is still worth trying. If an East Asian peace mechanism can be established, we can at least reduce military spending and increase investment in people's livelihoods, thereby quelling public discontent…”

After listening to the speeches of his three trusted generals, Ito Hirobumi was actually dissatisfied, because the purpose of his meeting today was not simply to evaluate Hayashi Shin-yi's position, but to see if his confidants could put forward a complete logic to compare with Hayashi Shin-yi.

The reason he continued to tolerate Lin Hsin-yi's politically outrageous remarks was because Lin Hsin-yi had a self-consistent political logic. In the past, when Lin Hsin-yi was in school, this political logic was not very complete, but after the emergence of his propositions such as the East Asian peace theory, countering the global colonial system of Europe and the United States, and establishing a new international trade order based on the labor theory of value, Lin Hsin-yi's propositions on domestic affairs, foreign affairs and defense were unified.

Kensuke Suematsu rejected the East Asian peace theory, but could not come up with a new theory that could unify the East Asian peoples. He only wanted to replicate the colonial system of European powers in East Asia. This meant that Japan would not only have to confront its East Asian neighbors, but also have to fight a war with European powers for colonies. Yamagata's continental expansionism would only put Japan in a situation where it was surrounded by enemies.

Ito Hirobumi had already tried it on the Korean Peninsula. Even on the Korean Peninsula, where Japan had long been involved, whenever Japan showed any intention to annex Korea, not in the Western way of eliminating the indigenous people, but by taking advantage of the shared language and culture between Japan and Korea to merge them, it was met with fierce resistance from the Koreans.

His policy of annexation in Korea almost ultimately turned into a hardline military conquest, which was contrary to his original intention. If it were just about military conquest, then there would be no need for him to serve as the governor-general of Korea. It would have been more appropriate to have a military officer in this position. His purpose in serving as the governor-general of Korea was to eliminate the Koreans' resistance to the annexation of Korea through appeasement.

If even a small country like Korea was difficult for Japan to annex peacefully, then China, with its stronger ideology of unification, was clearly even less likely to be conquered through appeasement. Furthermore, if force were to be used, even the Eight-Nation Alliance could not conquer China; how could Japan, a single nation, possibly succeed? Moreover, other powers would not stand idly by and allow Japan to forcibly annex China.

Therefore, Yamagata's continental policy has actually been abandoned by Ito Hirobumi. Suematsu Kensuke believes that East Asian peace is impossible, but he tries to replace the East Asian peace proposition with a plan that is even more difficult to implement. This is simply a case of a rigid mind.

As for Kaneko Kentaro, who pinned his hopes on peaceful economic competition among the great powers, he was far inferior to Hayashi Nobuyoshi's theory of confrontation, and even to Yamagata's expansionism. This is because Hayashi Nobuyoshi and Yamagata Aritomo shared at least one fundamental understanding: that peaceful competition among the great powers was impossible, and that the law of the jungle was the only way for them to coexist.

Therefore, military confrontation between Japan and the great powers was inevitable. However, Yamagata believed that Japan could expand its national power abroad to strengthen itself while confronting one of the European powers alone, and opposed confronting multiple powers. Hayashi Nobuyoshi believed that Yamagata was just wishful thinking. Japan could not do this, and the great powers would not allow Japan to challenge them one by one and ultimately become the victor.

As for Miyoshi Ito, he was far too arrogant. Even Hirobumi Ito now has to take Hayashi Nobuyoshi's political views seriously, yet Miyoshi Ito still tries to confine Hayashi to the Ito clique's circle, attempting to teach him a lesson using the unspoken rules of the political arena. These unspoken rules are certainly effective in educating political newcomers who rise to power through factional power, because without factional support, these newcomers quickly fall back to square one. However, for those who stand on the political stage through their own strength, this only creates complete antagonism and does nothing to undermine their foundations.

However, Ito Hirobumi would not publicly criticize Ito Miyoji. After all, he only wanted to maintain his position, not to develop anything. To maintain the status quo, he could not be too harsh on the core members of the Ito clique, otherwise it would only alienate them. The Seiyukai incident made him realize that accepting new political rules was already quite difficult for an old man like him.

Only young people like Hayashi Shin-yi would risk everything to break the old rules, because they have nothing to lose and can gain a lot of political resources from the collapse of the old rules. For example, in yesterday's meeting, Hayashi Shin-yi was able to frankly tell him his political stance without any concealment, which was based on the fact that the Navy had formed a new political faction and did not need to pay too much attention to the Ito faction.

If it were a decade or two ago, Ito Hirobumi certainly wouldn't have held such a meeting. At that time, he still had a strong desire for political change, so he would have directly accepted Hayashi Shin-yi's proposals, and then joined forces with Hayashi Shin-yi to reform the Ito clique, establish a new political force of the Navy-Ito clique, and then promote the new East Asian order proposed by Hayashi Shin-yi.

However, Ito Hirobumi only wants to preserve the existing political order. He finds it difficult to decide to abandon the current established political order and then seek to establish a theoretically better new political order. If he cannot establish it, wouldn't his decades of reform have been in vain? That's why he convened this meeting today, hoping to obtain some useful advice from his three trusted lieutenants.

However, it was clear that the three trusted lieutenants not only failed to offer any useful advice, but also subtly split into two factions. On the surface, Ito Miyoji and Suematsu Kensuke were in one faction, while Kaneko Kentaro was in the other. However, during the discussion, Suematsu Kensuke did not fully support Ito Miyoji; he seemed to have his own ideas as well.

Therefore, this meeting not only failed to provide Ito Hirobumi with any useful insights, but also left him feeling even more confused. However, at the end of the meeting, the three key figures did offer Ito Hirobumi a common opinion: he should resign from his position as Governor-General of Korea as soon as possible to avoid taking responsibility for the Korean Peninsula issue. Ito Miyoji and Kaneko Kentaro both believed that the current domestic political struggle was more important than the annexation of the Korean Peninsula, and Ito's absence from the country greatly diminished the political influence of the Ito clique.

Ito Hirobumi agreed with his three confidants' views. His original intention in going to Korea was to transform it into a model Japanese colony. After defeating Russia, Japan had finally gained significant influence in East Asia, and therefore needed to establish a model for its expansionist rule to lay the foundation for future expansion. However, given the current situation on the Korean Peninsula, Ito Hirobumi believed he would find it difficult to accomplish this task. Instead, the domestic political situation, due to the confrontation between the army and navy, was shaking the system established since the Meiji era, and he had to pay attention to it.

Chapter 690

Chapter 690

　After meeting Ito Hirobumi, Lin Xinyi's initial nervousness subsided. The victory in this war was changing the way the Japanese elite thought. If, six or seven years ago, when he first met Ito Hirobumi and Saigo Tsugumichi, these Japanese elites focused primarily on how to strengthen themselves, then now Ito Hirobumi was like a mother hen protecting her chicks, only concerned with whether the naval reforms would infringe upon their own interests.

If Saigo Tsugumichi had lived until after the war, and Lin Xinyi had only met Saigo Tsugumichi at that time, Lin Xinyi estimated that Saigo might not have placed such a heavy bet on him. After all, after Russia was defeated, Japan's national defense security was basically guaranteed, and it was no longer as isolated and helpless as it was after the Three Kingdoms intervention and the return of Liaodong after the First Sino-Japanese War.

In their eagerness to see the sun rise again, Japan was unconcerned about whether reforms would infringe upon their interests. After all, if the nation ceased to exist, the interests of the ruling class would be lost as well. Under this external pressure, Japan's ruling elite dared to experiment with new systems and theories in order to become stronger.

However, after the war ended, the crisis of national subjugation finally receded from Japan, and people began to relax their vigilance. This is an interesting contrast to the Qing Dynasty. From the Opium War to the invasion of Beijing by the Eight-Nation Alliance, the Qing government never truly felt that external threats could destroy it. What they feared was internal Han rebellions that would lead to the demise of Qing rule. Therefore, even during the Hundred Days' Reform, Qing officials still opposed change and tried to maintain their power.

When the Eight-Nation Alliance invaded Beijing, even the highest-ranking Manchu nobles and ministers could not protect their own families. It was only at this time that many people truly realized the possibility of foreign enemies destroying China. It was from the time of the Eight-Nation Alliance invasion that the number of supporters for reform and revolution began to grow rapidly, and the conservatives began to be suppressed in public opinion.

Modern Japan has adopted a conservative mindset. Without external pressure, the rulers are now most concerned with protecting their power rather than pursuing reform and self-strengthening. The impression that Ito Hirobumi left on Hayashi Nobuyoshi during this conversation was that as long as naval reforms did not disrupt the power structure established by the Japanese Constitution, Ito was willing to stand aside and observe.

Simply put, Ito hopes that the army and navy will compete without breaking apart, but he is also happy to see the army and navy form a standoff. As Hayashi Shin-yi has repeatedly emphasized in the conversation, the primary task of current Japanese politics is to establish a civilian government and suppress the military's independent consciousness. Ito Hirobumi clearly agrees with this point.

It was precisely because of Hayashi Nobuyoshi's unwavering stance on this point that Ito Hirobumi's attitude towards him relaxed considerably towards the end of the conversation, no longer displaying the wariness and distrust he had shown at the beginning. Judging from Ito Hirobumi's emotions during the conversation, Hayashi Nobuyoshi believed that Ito Hirobumi would not completely side with Yamagata, as this would not align with Ito Hirobumi's ideal of establishing a civilian political system.

Itō's main concern regarding the Navy-led reforms was that they represented a resurgence of the Satsuma clique, an attempt to restore their political status. If he was certain that this was the purpose of the reforms, then Itō would inevitably stand with Yamagata to suppress them, because the Satsuma regime was merely another Choshu regime and would not establish the civilian government he desired. At the same time, it would also carry out political purges against those members of the Choshu clique.

Therefore, after the conversation, Lin Xinyi had a clearer understanding of Ito's position and knew that Ito would not allow the army to be completely suppressed by the navy. This was due to the position of the Choshu clique. Even if Ito Hirobumi no longer supported the clan politics, he could not wash away his identity as a member of the Choshu clique. Therefore, Ito Hirobumi naturally could not sit idly by and watch the Choshu clique fall.

This is also why Ito Hirobumi was unwilling to adopt his suggestion to use public opinion pressure to force the army to hand over control of the troops stationed in Korea. Although Ito Hirobumi knew that this was the most feasible suggestion at the moment, he was even more aware that once this plan succeeded, the Choshu faction's control over the army would be greatly affected, which would inevitably cause the conflict between the military and political forces within the Choshu clique, just like the split of the Satsuma clique before the Satsuma War.

Having grasped Ito Hirobumi's bottom line, Lin Xinyi was naturally more confident about the political reform led by the Navy. As long as he didn't cross Ito Hirobumi's bottom line, the goal of weakening the Army could be basically achieved. After all, the Army was now politically isolated and helpless. Its military expansionism was opposed by all forces. The later the Army abandoned its military expansionism, the heavier the political suppression they would suffer.

The army, however, was clearly not entirely resigned. Less than three days after Hayashi Nobuyoshi and Ito Hirobumi's meeting, Army Minister Kikoshi announced his resignation. Although political circles knew this stemmed from the army's dissatisfaction with the military downsizing plan, Kikoshi's resignation this time was much more subtle than that of his predecessor, Terauchi Masatake. When Terauchi Masatake resigned as Army Minister, he openly criticized the Saionji Cabinet's policy of suppressing the military, arguing that the bureaucrats had abandoned the Emperor and soldiers who had sacrificed themselves for the country.

When Army Minister Kikoshi resigned, he did not criticize the Yamamoto Cabinet. He merely cited health issues as the reason, claiming he was unable to shoulder the heavy responsibility of army downsizing. Although his words contained resentment, they lacked the confidence Terauchi displayed when confronting the government. Public opinion also showed little concern for Minister Kikoshi's resignation, lacking the fervor shown by Terauchi's resignation when he sided with the military and criticized the Saionji Cabinet. Instead, there were calls for the army to appoint a new minister as soon as possible to prevent disruption to domestic economic development plans.

Compared to Hayashi Nobuyoshi's confidence, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was clearly unsure of the Army's bottom line. Originally reluctant to contact Hayashi Nobuyoshi so quickly, he ultimately had no choice but to request a meeting through Saitō Minoru. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's reluctance to contact Hayashi Nobuyoshi so soon referred to his role as Prime Minister, as the mainstream of naval politics at that time was no longer represented by Ito and Kawahara or anyone else, but rather by a reformist force that connected various factions within the Navy, and the leader of this force was Hayashi Nobuyoshi.

Yamamoto Gonbei knew that the sooner he met with Hayashi Nobuyoshi, the more susceptible his cabinet would be to the influence of mainstream naval politics, which would greatly weaken his control over the cabinet. Therefore, he had been trying to maintain the existence of the current cabinet with his own power and to show the outside world that he still had the ability to control the navy.

However, Minister Kikoshi's resignation put Yamamoto Gonnohyōe in a dilemma. He knew very well that to get the army to make concessions, he needed the navy to be completely on his side, not just a few naval officers. If the navy couldn't put all its pressure on the army, the army might actually refuse to send a candidate for army minister, causing this cabinet to collapse like the Saionji cabinet.

To gain the Navy's united support, he either had to personally persuade the various factions within the Navy, or find an agent to persuade them on his behalf. The former was obviously a time-consuming process that required a lot of promises, while the latter required a lobbyist who could gain the approval of all factions. Therefore, meeting with Lin Xinyi was the best option.

Although Saito Minoru disliked Hayashi Nobuyoshi, Hayashi's Kawahara-Togo faction was seizing the foundation he had built in the Ministry of the Navy. Within the Naval General Staff, Hayashi had united with the younger generation of naval officers to form a reform alliance, effectively stripping him of his power as Chief of Staff. Apart from the General Affairs Department, none of the four departments in the Naval General Staff obeyed his orders.

However, the conflict between him and Lin Xinyi was ultimately insignificant compared to the survival of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's cabinet. Their faction had paid an excessively high price in order to give Yamamoto Gonnohyōe the power to form a cabinet. Although this deal was not what they wanted, they couldn't afford to lose even this only benefit.

Hayashi Shin-yi was chosen by Saito as an aide to meet Prime Minister Yamamoto at the Prime Minister's official residence. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe didn't exchange many pleasantries with him. Once the room was empty except for the two of them and Saito Minoru, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe bluntly asked Hayashi Shin-yi, "What's your opinion on the Army Minister's resignation again regarding the military downsizing issue? This seems different from what we agreed on before. I'm not a tourist who's just here for a month and then leaves."

Lin Xinyi pondered for a moment before replying, "Previously, seniors Ito and Kawahara only promised to support you in forming a cabinet. As for the army, that is clearly not a promise that the two seniors could make. If the two seniors could control the army, then why would we be pursuing the 'sea master, land follower' plan now? Therefore, supporting you in forming a cabinet is one thing, but whether your cabinet can be maintained is another matter. The two things cannot be confused."

Hearing such evasive remarks, Yamamoto Gonbei's expression was naturally not pleasant. However, he also knew that Hayashi Nobuyoshi was telling the truth. Forming a cabinet and maintaining a cabinet are two different things. This was also the reason why he was unwilling to meet Ito and Kawahara and wanted to meet Hayashi Nobuyoshi first. He did not want to make a second deal, or rather, he felt that he did not have enough capital to make a second deal. Therefore, he wanted to find out what the two men wanted from Hayashi Nobuyoshi first.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe said somewhat stiffly, "Alright, let's do it your way for now. These are two separate matters. So, what exactly is the Navy's stance on the Army's opposition to the downsizing?"

Faced with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's question, which was tinged with suppressed anger, Hayashi Shin'yō remained calm and said, "The Navy's political line was established by Prime Minister Yamamoto during your tenure as Minister. As long as Prime Minister Yamamoto adheres to the political line he established for the Navy, then the Navy will naturally be completely on your side. I think this is a matter that does not need to be discussed. The key question now is whether Prime Minister Yamamoto still insists on the Navy's political stance and intends to make concessions to the Army?"

Hearing this answer, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was slightly surprised. After a moment's thought, he realized that Hayashi Nobuyoshi was asking about his political stance. At this point, he naturally wouldn't make any other statement, so he said rather irritably, "Of course I won't go back on my word. Since it was the naval political ideology I proposed during my tenure as Minister, I will naturally do my best to promote it during my time as Prime Minister. But if the Army doesn't concede now, the Cabinet can't be maintained, so what's the point of talking about promoting the political line of the Navy?"

Having confirmed that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's political stance remained unchanged, Hayashi Shin'yō continued, "I think you don't need to worry too much. The key issue now is not who will form the cabinet, but whether the army should obey the needs of the country. The two resignations of the Minister of the Army have effectively severed the army from the country. At this time, even the Imperial Household Agency will not choose to support the army's independent actions."

The army is indeed an important pillar for stabilizing the domestic political situation, which is why the military has always occupied a core position in our country's political situation in the past. Because the army is needed to protect the country and suppress internal rebellions, most conflicts with the military end with the parties making concessions.

However, this war successfully eliminated the biggest external threat to our country. Compared with the threat from foreign enemies, the primary domestic problem is that the military has no one to suppress it.

After the formation of the Saionji Cabinet, Prime Minister Saionji proposed that the government should have the right to know the troop mobilization orders and add the Prime Minister's signature to the military orders. When Ito-go served as the Governor-General of Korea, he specifically requested from the Imperial Household Agency to obtain the order to command the Korean garrison. Both of these events actually illustrate that the Imperial Household Agency and the Government Household Agency were trying to restrain the power of the military so that the government could have some control over the actions of the military.

The Navy's proposal to reduce troop numbers actually aligns with the wishes of the Imperial Household Agency and the Government House. It is precisely because of the Navy's strong advocacy for troop reduction that the Navy's cabinet formation has received strong support from the Imperial Household Agency and the Government House. The Army's opposition to troop reduction, even at the cost of undermining political stability, will only further garner support from the Imperial Household Agency and the Government House for the current cabinet. Because, besides the Navy government, which other party could stand firm against the Army's dissatisfaction?

Therefore, whether this cabinet can survive depends not on the Navy's will, but on how firm Prime Minister Yamamoto's stance on military downsizing truly is. If you can demonstrate your firm stance on military downsizing to the Imperial Household and the Government, then I believe the Army's attempt to undermine the government by not appointing an Army Minister will only provoke calls for political reform and the cancellation of the Army Minister's position, which is entirely based on Army recommendations.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's anxiety stemmed from his excessive concern for his ruling position. However, after Hayashi Shin'yō pointed out that the army's true adversary was the Imperial Court, his anxiety subsided. After a moment of silent reflection, Yamamoto agreed with Hayashi's assessment: the Imperial Court and the government were no longer worried about external threats, but rather focused on domestic political stability.

The army's two resignations as ministers in opposition to the government's policies did not reveal its grievances to the court and the people; instead, it only demonstrated its arrogance. At a time when everyone was burdened by heavy taxes, the army's refusal to reduce its troop numbers to boost the economy and alleviate the people's burden was clearly excessive.

Of course, Hayashi Shin-yi was actually hiding something. While the navy cabinet would certainly continue, the prime minister might not be Yamamoto Gonnohyōe again. This was because the Imperial Household needed to express its stance of suppressing the military's power by supporting the naval government, but it would not formally declare its support for Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to avoid any bias towards the navy between the army and navy. This would obviously provoke dissatisfaction from the Choshu faction and the army. The smart people in the Imperial Household would certainly not do such a self-destructive thing, especially with Ito Hirobumi protecting the Imperial Household and preventing it from making such a foolish decision.

But what does that have to do with him? What he needs is a government that can implement the military reduction policy, a government that can focus the country's political center on domestic economic and political reforms, not a government that desperately protects Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's position as prime minister. He and Yamamoto are not comrades.

Clearly, Yamamoto and Saito were unaware of the loopholes in Hayashi Nobuyoshi's words; they only remembered the assessment that the naval government would inevitably be maintained. With this basic conclusion, the subsequent conversation became much easier, because Yamamoto Gonnohyōe realized that supporting the navy was no longer so urgent, and that expressing his position to the Imperial Household and further gaining their support was his most pressing matter.

Of course, now that Lin Xinyi had been summoned, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe naturally took the opportunity to inquire about the specific political policies that should be implemented in relation to the naval strategy and how to gradually carry them out. In fact, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had wanted to consult Lin Xinyi about this for a long time, since no one within the navy understood the new naval strategy better than Lin Xinyi. However, Yamamoto didn't want the outside world to know that he actually needed a lieutenant commander to advise him on government actions, which was why he had delayed meeting with Lin Xinyi.

Hayashi Shin-yi also compiled his remarks to Togo and Kawahara and gave a brief report to Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. He concluded: "The key to the new naval strategy lies in industrial Japan, the key to industrial Japan lies in the rise of heavy industry, and the rise of heavy industry lies in raw materials, markets, and a highly skilled workforce. At present, Japan can barely provide a relatively skilled workforce, while raw materials and markets are all abroad. Therefore, the development of Japan's heavy industry must seek a more peaceful and relaxed international environment."

…To achieve a peaceful Asian region, curbing the military expansionism of the army is the starting point. If we cannot restrain the army's expansionist ambitions, our neighbors will not believe that Japan will coexist peacefully with them. To prevent Japan from invading us after its rapid development, East Asian countries will not provide us with cheap raw materials and undefended markets…

Chapter 691

Chapter 691

Army Chief of Staff Tamura, dressed in civilian clothes, entered a small restaurant in Shinbashi. This was not a street the army frequented, but the proprietress was familiar with him and quickly led him to a quiet room.

After telling the landlady to "as usual," he was soon left alone in the room.

Although Tamura was dressed in civilian clothes, the marks left by wearing a military cap for many years and the military style cultivated by his strict discipline were obviously impossible to hide. Of course, the owner of the ryotei would not pry into the privacy of such a guest, otherwise he would not be able to survive in Tokyo.

For Tamura, this restaurant was his regular meeting place with Togo Masamichi. Kikoshi's resignation was not his personal wish, but a decision made after consultation among the army's high command.

This was a warning to the Yamamoto Gonnohyōe cabinet, and also a test to see if the Imperial Household would tolerate the army and government continuing their confrontation.

Of course, these kinds of words on the surface are just rhetoric used by the army's high command to appease the army. Tamura knew very well that the army was actually already under some pressure.

Because the navy sided with the army, even a Choshu faction leader like Ito Hirobumi turned against the army. Ito Hirobumi's connection with the army was actually quite deep, as evidenced by Kodama's ability to establish contact with him.