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“Sun Yat-sen’s principle of people’s rights emphasizes that state power is shared by ordinary people, highlighting its popular and mass nature. All individuals and groups who can truly oppose imperialism can enjoy all freedoms and rights. In this way, the politics of the country becomes the politics of the majority, a politics in which all people can participate. Only then can I, an ordinary person, speak out and make my voice heard!”
Such a statement was very clever. The transition of Mao Zedong's leadership of the government was much more complicated than that of any previous member, because he needed to do his best to mediate some of the existing problems between the two parties.
The Kuomintang is ultimately a bourgeois party, which is a natural opposite of the Communist Party, which is proletarian. However, the two sides have now reached a cooperative relationship and united under one banner because of their common goal of opposing imperialism and feudalism.
The two sides are now united, but it's hard to say what will happen in the future. If they don't handle the problems between the two parties properly, who can guarantee that the revolutionary government won't run into other troubles? The Qing Dynasty in the north is still eyeing them covetously. If this problem isn't handled well, then there's no point in continuing the revolution.
The Kuomintang (KMT) did indeed play a crucial role in the early stages of the revolution. Under the leadership of Liao Zhongkai, the KMT and the Communist Party of China (CPC) cooperated closely, which led to the brilliant achievements of the Northern Expedition. The KMT's contributions to the revolution cannot be denied.
Now, in the very early stages of the Communist Party's rule, it is certain that the Kuomintang (KMT) needs to be appeased. Although the KMT has made some mistakes, it cannot be completely denied. At least the KMT needs to have a legitimate status. This is the thinking of most people. The first revolutionary political party in China was the government led by Mao Zedong, and this is how they evaluate them.
"The revolutionary task is arduous and the road ahead is long. Naturally, we cannot have a one-party dictatorship. How can we carry out a revolution without friends? A revolution cannot be a one-party dictatorship; otherwise, it would be counter-revolution. Everyone must speak together. This is fairness, this is true revolution!"
"All parties should engage in political consultation, share their ideas, and solve problems together. This is what constitutes a revolution, just like we have in the past and now. Everyone discusses things together, and that is what a revolutionary government should be."
"In our revolution, we must make more friends, cooperate with multiple parties, and engage in political consultation."
"Although during the previous Kuomintang leadership period, when the government held meetings, other parties besides the Kuomintang could participate, there was no dedicated organization or institution to conduct the meetings. This led to some smaller parties being ignored and the interests of some people not being expressed."
"Our government needs to improve in the face of such limitations. Now that the revolution has reached a new stage, we need to set up a special agency. When everyone is together, we will have more ideas. Although the Chinese revolution will be led by the Communist Party, we will still need everyone's help."
"The Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) is a very important organization of our government in the coming period, demonstrating the unity and democracy of our government. It is an important institution for multi-party cooperation and political consultation led by the Communist Party!"
Chapter 108 The New Era
Many delegates present at the meeting were still somewhat unclear about the new government organization proposed by Chairman Mao.
What are the specific functions and roles of this government? What role does it play within the government? However, after Chairman Mao's subsequent explanation, everyone understood quite well.
The new People's Political Consultative Conference of the Nationalist Government had three basic functions: political consultation, democratic supervision, and participation in the deliberation and administration of state affairs.
To put it simply, this newly designed agency will serve as the highest authority of the Nationalist government, replacing the previous National Congress in exercising power.
After Sun Yat-sen reorganized the Kuomintang, the highest authority of the party was the National Congress, which was temporarily replaced by the Central Executive Committee during the recess.
Although the Kuomintang's National Congress brought together the strength of most progressive figures, it also resulted in other parties having almost no sense of participation. Each congress often became a power struggle between various factions within the party, losing the original meaning of the congress.
The new government organization proposed by Chairman Mao will restructure the power structure within the government, making it more democratic and allowing all political parties to participate. This idea has gained considerable support, especially from some marginalized political groups.
The political consultation at the CPPCC (Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference) meetings involves consultations on the government's major policies and guidelines, local development, and on handling major issues, both before and during the implementation of decisions.
The Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) is established not only in the central government but also in local governments. It is a meeting attended by leaders of various political parties and groups, as well as representatives from all ethnic groups and sectors of society, to conduct consultations.
The new government agencies are not only responsible for political consultation, but are also given the power of oversight, including supervising the work of government agencies and staff by offering opinions, criticisms, suggestions and recommendations.
Besides these functions, the function of the new institution in participating in and deliberating on state affairs is of most concern to the delegates.
This means that other parties still have the opportunity to participate in politics, to conduct research and consultation on important issues, and to put forward opinions and suggestions through research reports, proposals, recommendations or other forms.
In addition to the newly established CPPCC, Chairman Mao also announced a second round of restructuring of other institutions, streamlining their structures. These reports were also well received by the delegates.
"Our revolution is entering a new phase, and I think everyone here is well aware of this. Guangzhou is our political center. Why? Because before the revolution, the center of our Party's activities was in Guangdong."
"Now that we have completed the first step of the Northern Expedition and have controlled most of southern China, it would be somewhat inappropriate to stay in Guangzhou for the next revolutionary activities."
Guangzhou served as the political center of the revolutionary government because it was the primary center of Kuomintang activities at the time.
Now the Nationalist government's sphere of influence has expanded to most areas south of the Yangtze River, making Guangzhou too remote and unsuitable for its rule, and its political influence cannot reach all revolutionary areas.
Moreover, Guangzhou is a coastal city, which was extremely dangerous for the Nationalist government, which had virtually no coastal defense. Especially last time, the German East Asia fleet actually sailed over there. If it hadn't been dealt with in time, their regime would have been overthrown.
The revolutionary government did indeed need to select a new political center to extend its influence to the territories under the control of the Nationalist government.
"Changsha is an old revolutionary base. I worked in Changsha for a period of time before. It has a solid mass base and is also in the heart of the Nationalist government and the front line of the Northern Expedition. It is very suitable in terms of both security and political status."
The representatives present did not object to this point, because there was indeed no more suitable city than Changsha. Hunan was Mao Zedong's old base area, where he had a good mass base. Before the incident, Changsha was the second political center of the revolutionary party's activities among the eight provinces united.
This conference mainly discussed three things. First, it established Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary political status. Chairman Mao gave Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang a very fair evaluation and positioning.
Second, the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) was newly established to replace the original National Congress of the Kuomintang (KMT) and to exercise state functions on behalf of the National Congress.
The third thing was to announce that Changsha would become the administrative center of the Nationalist government.
"Regarding the Northern Expedition, some people in our government believe that we should launch a swift Northern Expedition now, arguing that the Qing Dynasty and the Fengtian government in the north are no match for us. They believe that by crossing the Yangtze River, defeating the Qing Dynasty, and capturing Beijing, we can rightfully declare ourselves the central government."
“Such voices are not uncommon. I understand everyone’s feelings. We all want to liberate the whole country and all the oppressed people as soon as possible. I feel the same way. I also want to liberate and unify all of China as soon as possible. But think about it, is that realistic?”
"Many people may think that the Qing government and the Fengtian government are just as vulnerable as Sun Chuanfang's regime, and that we can win easily. But we must not forget that we have a strong mass base in the eight provinces. We had accumulated a certain mass base in the eight provinces before the formal revolution, which is why we were able to win so smoothly."
"In the North, it's completely different. We don't yet have a broad mass base there, and our success has already aroused the imperialist powers' ire. Now that we're launching the Northern Expedition, the Qing government and Fengtian, which are controlled by the imperialists, will definitely do everything they can to deal with us, which is very disadvantageous for us."
"Our economy has not fully recovered yet, and military reforms are not yet complete. If we rashly launch a northern expedition, many problems will arise domestically."
"Therefore, the Northern Expedition cannot be rushed. We must take advantage of the contradictions between the imperialist countries and let them fight among themselves first. Our main tasks now are the Southern Expedition and the Western Expedition. Only by stabilizing our rear can we have enough strength for the Northern Expedition!"
Everyone was listening to Chairman Mao's report, and the Kuomintang representatives present no longer had their previous wariness.
The report delivered by the newly appointed Chairman Mao was very brief, but these brief reports accurately analyzed the future direction of the revolution and pointed out the path for government construction.
Amidst applause, the congress concluded perfectly. The meeting announced the new members of the Central Standing Committee, a new leadership collective centered on Chairman Mao. Judging from the situation during the previous transition period, this group was fully capable of leading the National Government to national victory.
As the delegates walked out of the Great Hall of the People, their gloomy expressions vanished. The heavy rain outside had stopped, and Cai Hesi looked up at the sky. The dark clouds had been dispersed, and a bright and new future was about to arrive.
Chapter 109 Wilhelm II's Troubles
Wilhelm II was jolted awake from his dream once again. He opened his eyes and took a deep breath. He couldn't remember how many times this had happened; it seemed to be a problem that had been going on for a long time.
Nearly seventy years old, Wilhelm had lost the drive of his youth and, like the rest of the German Empire, was old and frail.
Although it was a newly established empire, Germany aged very quickly. Perhaps the great victories spurred this young empire to become the very thing it once hated.
The former German Empire mocked the decay of Britain and France, ridiculing these two aging empires for no longer striding forward, but waiting for their end in the twilight.
With the dramatic collapse of the two old empires, the German Empire found itself becoming the very object of its former ridicule.
The young empire had nothing, so it moved forward without any worries. After the victory in the great war, this nascent empire saw the true face of the world.
As it cheered and received its spoils as a victor, the German Empire could not have imagined its current predicament.
Germany has transformed from a disruptor of the old order into a defender of the new one. Its vast wealth has made Germany bloated, and has also made it a target of criticism.
The hero who slays the dragon will eventually become the dragon himself, and Germany is now experiencing this firsthand. The newly formed French Commune and the British Union have become challengers to the new order. Like Germany before it, they yearn for a completely new international order and challenge the authority of the German Empire.
Wilhelm II understood very well what the situation of the loser would be like: France had lost all its colonies and now he was left to fight against the natives in Africa.
Britain is in a slightly better position. The old colonial empire still has some resources. Although it has retreated to Canada, the framework of the Commonwealth is still intact, and the face of the British royal family is still there.
The Russian Empire, once the mighty gendarme of Europe, the frost-covered empire that once defeated Napoleon, has now been tamed by Germany and obediently lies at the feet of the empire.
The Tsar is a thing of the past. The thought sent chills down Wilhelm II's spine. If he were to fail, the basement would become his eternal home.
Germany cannot afford to fail, for failure would mean being devoured by its former enemies. Therefore, it must use the most severe measures to maintain its order and protect its interests. This is what Wilhelm II, the emperor, needed to do.
However, judging from the current situation, even those close to him seem to be dissatisfied with him.
The iron fist of Germany punished all newcomers who dared to challenge the order, and Wilhelm held all the power in Germany tightly in his hands, so that no one could take away even a single benefit from Germany.
Hindenburg and Ludendorff, once the two giants of the empire and the two sharp blades of Germany, forgot their place and stole power from Wilhelm. And what is the result now? They have been stripped of all their power and left to retire in East Prussia.
The influence they had cultivated within the army was also completely eradicated, and as long as Wilhelm II was alive, these people would never be able to get promoted.
Polish rebels, oblivious to their own mortality, jumped out to challenge the old order, only to be wiped out in the blink of an eye, and Poland, which had briefly gained independence, once again disappeared from the map.
Although two years had passed, the massacre of Poland was not over. Wilhelm used this method to tell everyone that no one could take even a single benefit from him or Germany.
However, William also understood the price of such a move. He didn't know how many people were eyeing him, eager to take a bite out of him. The tighter he held onto power, the more people would resent him. When the time came, those people would not let him go.
This creates a vicious cycle: the more you worry about others holding a grudge, the tighter you hold onto power; and the tighter you hold onto power, the more others will resent you.
William, who was jolted awake from his dream, wiped the sweat from his brow. Although it was three in the morning, he was no longer sleepy.
As people age, their sleep quality deteriorates, especially for someone in a high position of power who has even more to think about, making their sleep quality even worse.
After putting on a coat, Wilhelm II got out of bed. Since he was no longer sleepy, he might as well get up and take a walk.
Wilhelm II was a strong-willed man, and he was aware of his current situation. He did not want others to know what he looked like, not even his closest relatives. This personality trait was largely due to his childhood experiences.
Due to breech birth, he suffered from Erb's paralysis, which caused his left arm to atrophy. In Germany, where military might was highly valued, physical disability was extremely detrimental, especially for a prince, something Wilhelm II learned from a young age.
To compensate for the atrophy of his left arm, Wilhelm II was always very concerned about his left hand throughout his childhood.
In daily life, people often use their left hand to hold a scepter or a sword in order to emphasize their right hand. When taking photos, they always cover their left hand or wear gloves to prevent others from noticing their embarrassment.
During Wilhelm II's childhood, he underwent numerous treatments due to his left hand's inability to function properly. These treatments ranged from medication and surgery to physical exercise, causing the young Wilhelm II considerable suffering.
Wilhelm II's daily routine consisted of visiting various places for rehabilitation treatment of his left hand. Everyone would show him concern and care. Over time, Wilhelm II felt very distressed about this situation because being cared for in this way made him feel like a disabled person, always inferior and needing to be taken care of.
These childhood experiences have made him quite stubborn and strong-willed.
The temperature in Berlin was still a bit low in January, and although the palace was well-insulated, William could still feel a stinging pain in his knees.
This forced William to take out the pills from the cabinet. The emperor's health condition had to be kept secret from the outside world, and only he and his private physician knew the true state of the emperor's health.
His private physician advised him to rest more and delegate more government affairs to others, as it would be easy for him to run into trouble if he continued to handle so many things alone. However, Wilhelm II firmly disagreed.
Because he knew the consequences of relinquishing power, Hindenburg and Ludendorff were very good precedents, so now even when Tirpitz was handling affairs, he would still have to get involved.
Since he had nothing better to do, and William was wide awake, he went outside. A lot had happened in Germany recently, and he needed to deal with it.
Everyone envies the emperor, but the emperor also has many troubles. Others may not know, but William certainly had his share of troubles.
He had many international matters to attend to in order to maintain the operation of the entire Imperial Covenant, and he also had many domestic matters to attend to.
Germany was not his alone; the Rhineland Kingdom and Bavaria, these two kingdoms, also gave William quite a headache.
He wasn't a true German emperor; outside his bedchamber, it was someone else's territory.
Chapter 210 The African Problem
"His Majesty."
Wilhelm II emerged from the house, and the servants outside the door bowed to him.
William waved his hand and took the water offered by the servant. William II was a poor sleeper, so he got up very early, and the servants were used to it.
After waking up, Wilhelm II would usually go directly to his office to handle matters, and if he got tired, he would take a short nap in his office.
Strangely enough, Wilhelm II slept very well in his office, but couldn't sleep in his bedroom.
"Do not disturb me. Come in and remind me in an hour," Wilhelm II instructed.
"Yes, Your Majesty."
The attendant beside him bowed in agreement and began to handle the next steps.
Once seated in his office, Wilhelm II couldn't help but joke, "I was so energetic just now, but I'm already feeling sleepy as soon as I sit down."
Rubbing his eyes, William took out his glasses from the drawer and picked up the report on the table to read it.
Back then, some people said that Wilhelm II would ruin the entire German Empire. Bismarck said the same thing when he left office, saying that he would destroy the future of the entire Germany in less than 20 years.
Wilhelm II has long been criticized for his temperament, his tendency to act impulsively, and his complete lack of diplomatic skills. He is said to have destroyed the diplomatic framework that Bismarck had painstakingly built for Germany, making Germany a thorn in the side of the entire European world.
However, the stubborn William was unlikely to easily admit his mistake, even though he was aware of it himself.
Wilhelm II also regretted his actions when the war broke out, as he had created this terrible diplomatic environment. So, at the worst point of the war, he desperately asked Hindenburg what he should do if the war was lost.
William developed insomnia around that time. Every day, numerous battle reports would arrive from the front lines, and urgent telegrams would also come from the front lines in the middle of the night. It was probably around that time that William developed a nervous breakdown.
Wilhelm II clearly remembered that the time he had the best sleep was when he heard about the civil war in England.
Shortly after France announced its surrender, Britain had hoped to use its powerful navy and vast colonies to wear down Germany for a while before negotiating terms.
However, after France surrendered, the flames of revolution swept through both countries, and a fierce revolution broke out in Britain, which disrupted Britain's entire plan and forced them to hastily withdraw from the war.
With Britain and France withdrawing from the war one after another, Germany was able to smoothly reap the fruits of victory. William slept soundly that day, for almost a whole day.
Unfortunately, such peaceful days soon passed, and Wilhelm II rarely slept well after that.
Germany now dominates the Reichstag trade alliance in Europe, controlling European countries economically and politically. As long as it controls Europe, Germany can control the whole world.
In the beginning, Germany seized a lot of profits in Europe through these two organizations. It was also during this time that Germany entered a golden decade of economic development, with rapid economic growth and the prestige of the German Emperor reaching its peak.
However, after the golden decade, Germany's economic development stagnated, and its economic growth rate declined significantly.
The Minister of Economic Affairs and the Governor of the German Central Bank both analyzed the current economic situation, but they were not particularly worried.
They, along with most economic experts, call this a cooling period for the German economy, a normal phenomenon. The German market is now more saturated than before, which is why economic growth is slowing down.
Germany's situation will improve significantly if it can find a larger market. They are already increasing their investment in the Chinese market and are also discussing the French Commune and the British Union.
Although there was an ideological conflict, it was still possible to do normal business. The French Commune was merely hostile to the German Empire, and a middleman would suffice.
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